While it recognized Dracul and fought against the negative campaigns headed by supposed micronationalists in Brazil, the Empire entered the month of February armed with activity. The Imperial Diet continued with the necessary adjustments to accommodate the new members of the nation, while the Empire was considered extravagant by the specialized media, something considered very adequate by the Karno-Ruthenians.
Glowing decorations from Taslavia, Vishwamitra, Achsen, Queensland, Columbia and Sildavia were received by members of the Imperial Family and other distinguished citizens. The state became less self-referential to dynasties with the elimination of royal birthdays as holidays while discussing the continuation of the Imperial Circle as a tool of outside influence, which would later be abolished.
Lucas Othonsen, the Hofpfalzgraf perfected the execution of the “official portraits” – montages of illustrious figures in typical clothing and uniforms, yielding good laughs and true works of art that have the affection of the nation. But not everything would be reduced to art and laughter: the Ukrainian War would begin and citizens of the Empire would find themselves on opposite sides. As of the date of this writing (01 August 2022), it has not been possible to contact Ukrainian and Russian citizens, wishing them to be safe and well.
The Empire did not remain silent in the face of the war, but was receptive to being a host nation. Citizens of the Empire served and risked for the good of humanity and effectively helped. Interestingly, it was two citizens of Italian origin, Baron Pillonetto di Treviso and Mr. Davide Della Lena, who work in civilian humanitarian aid forces, honored the Empire with a small but vital role in consolidating protection for the weakest in the face of the horrors of war.
In March, the Kaiserliche Reichpost was created, the Imperial Mail and the official issuing body for the first official series of postage stamps, while K.R.O.S.A., the Karno-Ruthenian Observatory and Space Agency implemented the Mission Orion, taking the name of the Empire aboard of Artemis I, the first uncrewed flight test of the Space Lunch System rocket and the Orion spacecraft.
The State of Guwati was ceded by Vishwamitra to the Empire, the Hofbau, seat of the monarchy, was left for a short period for interior renovations and in these news of several happenings, the loss: Prince João of Noronha, the notorious Brazilian micronationalist, died. The Emperor-King was one of the first to be informed and his death affected the entire micronational community. A week later, the Conference of Santiago would complete another year of existence, but the date was eclipsed by mourning. The Emperor made a speech in a solemn session of the Historical and Geographical Institute of Mauritia in honor of the deceased friend and member of the Conference.
In the days that followed, religious events were attended by the emperor, an intervention was carried out in the Duchy of Libertia and the Imperial Diet continued with its work and already in April it was one of the most active legislatures in national history. But diplomacy would claim the greatest attention: the Treaty of Ambé was signed on 18 April 2022 with the State of Xingu, which for the following months would be a protectorate of the Empire. The treaty caused strong reactions on the part of a clique of pseudo-micronationalists who claim as “micronations” almost the entire territory of Brazil – and giving rise to the Manifesto for the Truth, which ended up clarifying the situation along manifests from Quinta Velha, Sildavia and others.
For the following month, the works of the Empire would continue to be the target of recognition converted into prestige, either by granting honors to citizens of the Empire for their contributions to micronationalism, or by cataloging the Empire and its symbols by the important Micro Flag Archive, a reference in the preservation of history of the symbols of micronations.
And history, with eight years of existence, needed to organize its historiography. To this end, the Duke of Saena took over the newly created Office of the Prince-Rector of the Imperial Archives, formally assuming the post that had already been informally assigned to him: that of the greatest historian of the Empire.
In June, the Emperor attended the first micronational event in Asia in years, remotely: the inauguration of the President of the Free Rendonese State, an occasion where he could show respect and friendship to the sworn president, Mr. Rey Jr. Mancio. Along with Vishwamitra, the two micronations are exponents of the typical courtesy of Asian micronationalists, in obvious contrast to some of their peers less accustomed to the dignity expected of a head of state. In this contrast, they emerge strengthened and respected by western micronations.
With the preponderance of foreign affairs by the imperial government, it would not take long for its most immediate allies, the Kingdom of Ebenthal and the Kingdom of Quinta Velha, to envision a formal alliance: the Treaty of Altenburg. The approach, however, would come the following month in a solemn way.
But there were still tensions in the air. Several attempts to invade the Empire’s digital property were present throughout the first half of the year, with Brazilian and European micronationalists taking part in the attacks against the Empire. But not limited to that, other aggressions were verified, such as the racist statements of the Romanian micronationalist behind the “Snagovian Federation”, which had severed relations with the Empire and was expelled from the Uhlan Regiment and other honors previously conferred.
With respect for diversity and admiration for its professional conduct, the Empire would once again be a reference in foreign policy among the world’s micronations, and would receive one of its first imports of typical micronational art in June: a typical Azulejo Quintavelhense, decorated in Art Nouveau style with the imperial eagle in the center.
On 29 June, a second micronational event in Asia took place among the members of the Conference of Santiago organized in Vishwamitra and representing a great triumph of the Rashtradhyaksh of Vishwamitra, uniting micronationalists from three continents in favor of the good micronational practice.
July would begin with the Empire adopting a new currency, the Vereinsmark – the Union Mark, backed by copper and relying on the expertise developed in Delvera and Occidia to manage the national economy.
But imperial expertise would still be the presence in foreign affairs: Karnia-Ruthenia was represented by the Emperor at an event held at the Academy of Literature of São Paulo to welcome the president of Hungary, Mrs. Katalin Novak, in the presence of several Hugarian and Brazilian politicians. In the same week, the Emperor would attend the funeral of Dom Luiz of Orléans and Braganza, Emperor de jure of Brazil. In the solemnities in which he was accompanied by Prince von und zu Hochbach and were the sole representants of micronationalism, were presents several members of the Brazilian Imperial House and also Archduke Lorenzo of Austria-Este, Princess Maria Isabella of Savoia-Genoa and Princess Maria Cristina of Savoia-Aosta, the princes Casimiro, Alessandro, Luis and Elena of the Two Sicilies, Prince Gundakar of Liechtenstein, Prince Michel de Ligne and Duke Peter of Oldenburg, among other royalty.
On 23 July, the Empire would restore the Kingdom of Ameroslavia with Archduke Ari on the throne. The bold initiative that transformed a foreign property of the imperial family into a new micronation would only be legitimized the following week, with the recognition of the founder of Ameroslavia, Lenart of Ameroslavia. The imperial dynasty now has rulers over Ameroslavia, Karnia-Ruthenia, and Taslavia. Archduke Ari, former King of Ruthenia, once again occupy a throne.
What the future will bring to the Empire is uncertain, but known to be grandiose: Karnia-Ruthenia has never limited itself to the ordinary and has always dared to innovate with respect to traditions, being anachronistically modern, and presently nostalgic, at the same time.
While I write today in a personal capacity, I also write on behalf of the government instituted in My name, as well as on behalf of the people I proudly represent. Due to recent events, I am obliged to publish an already known campaign of hate that must be, if not prevented, at least known by the micronational community, so that it chooses the path it wants to take.
In 2020, the Empire engaged in disagreements with other Brazilian micronations due to its vision of micronationalism. Even today, we defend the derivative model, which is a minority among Brazilian micronationalists. At the time, several notes of repudiation of the Empire were written, many of them without knowledge of the facts and using impolite expressions, not to mention that in some cases, they were truly criminal in its content.
Despite this, time passed and a cordial distance was established between the derivatives and the historical-simulationists. However, one micronation in particular has not slowed down its desire to damage our image and that of those who dared to side with the Empire.
The micronationalist Marina of Manso, founder and leader of the aforementioned project, previously a key figure in our national policy, has become a true enemy of the Nation and over the last two years has launched attacks without reason or justification against the Empire, accusing us of espionage, cyber attacks, lies, hypocrisy, misrepresentation and moral coercion to make friends with micronationalists around the world.
There has not been a month without the one who signs this manifesto receiving notifications from friends and colleagues about the attacks she has received, especially the offenses directed not at the monarch, but at the man. The image of my family was incessantly vilified in WhatsApp groups and others, my honor attacked daily and the Empire and my citizens offended. Our allies in Brazil and abroad, in the unfair words of the supporters of this micronationalist, are all puppets; our more than 300 citizens are all fakes.
It was me and also my friends that was called bandits, conspirators, dishonest, liars, a series of other adjectives that for the benefit of the elegance of the manifesto, I will refrain from transcribing. It was Marina of Manso who led a dozen accusations against the Brazilian Sector in general and against me in particular, calling me a “segregationist”, “divisionist”, “revisionist”.
Whoever gets used to lying, the truth offends. Between April 2020 and mid-June 2021, I received messages from micronationalists around the globe, from Europe to Asia, asking me who she is and why she asked why they established relations with Karnia-Ruthenia, how I pressed them to have a friendly relationship with the Empire. Not without first, of course, stating that despite respecting me, I am a divisive person with harmful policies.
This, a few days after being approached by her, proposing to make amends and offering and subsequently insisting on an “arbitration” where I should basically agree that I did everything wrong throughout 2020 and 2021 – basically throw the Treaty of Persenburg in the trash, ignoring all the brilliant activity produced by the members of the Conference of Santiago in the period and, in face of my refusal, Marina of Manso returned to confuse her disagreement with me with foreign policy, which in part guarantees the Kingdom of Manso the bad reputation it currently enjoys.
However, the most recent news caused me deep grief. A Brazilian micronationalist, yesterday afternoon, was openly harassed by Marina of Manso for having joined the Empire. According to her and endorsed by the supposed micronationalists around her, there is one more puppet in my hands. In her selective blindness combined with boundless imagination, she failed to see the free will of another micronationalist, another person. The disagreement felt like a betrayal. Nobody can disagree with Marina of Manso! Her attitude? Attempting to intimidate someone in a group she controls. Moral coercion, lies and subsequent emotional blackmail – this is Marina of Manso’s modus operandi to enforce her will.
This, of course, is just one history. In her already long history, in addition to the offenses that I have already mentioned here, there are disgusting montages of my parents and even my dog circulating in groups of Brazilian micronationalists, accusations of me being a “partisan” when narrating the heinous actions that she caused, declarations that the Conference of Santiago only accepted transgender micronationalists to “say that they had female support”, among many other attacks.
For a long time, I hesitated to make public what I described here, and I always tried to avoid being denounced for fear that its actions would affect the image of Brazilian micronationalism. But given the now international scope of their aggressions, it is necessary to give voice to those attacked. If your micronation was attacked or coerced by Marina of Manso and her minions, report it. If you have been a victim of moral coercion, report it. Never shut up in the face of the wrongdoing of others. Evil triumphs when good is silent.
We urgently need to choose which path we will follow as micronationalists. Are we going to learn to live with adversity or are we going to accept aggression as an instrument of foreign policy and personal dealings?
The Empire has already chosen its path.
Embora escreva hoje em capacidade pessoal, também escrevo em nome do governo instituído em Meu nome, bem como em nome do povo ao que orgulhosamente represento. Em virtude de acontecimentos recentes, sou obrigado a publicar uma campanha já conhecida de ódio que deve ser, se não impedida, ao menos conhecida pela comunidade micronacional, para que esta escolha o caminho que deseja trilhar.
Em 2020, o Império se envolveu em divergências com outras micronações brasileiras em virtude de sua visão de micronacionalismo. Ainda hoje, defendemos o modelo derivatista, que é minoritário entre os micronacionalistas brasileiros. Na época, diversas notas de repúdio ao Império foram escritas, muitas delas sem conhecimento dos fatos e usando de expressões pouco educadas, para não mencionar que em alguns casos, foram verdadeiramente criminosas.
Apesar disso, o tempo passou e uma cordial distância foi estabelecida entre os derivatistas e os histórico-simulacionistas. Contudo, uma micronação em particular não desacelerou seus desejos em prejudicar nossa imagem e a daqueles que ousaram se colocar ao lado do Império.
A micronacionalista Marina do Manso, fundadora e liderança do mencionado projeto, antes figura-chave em nossa política nacional, se converteu em verdadeira inimiga da Nação e ao longo dos últimos dois anos, desferiu ataques sem sentido ou justificativa contra o Império, nos acusando de espionagem, ataques cibernéticos, mentiras, hipocrisia, falsidade ideológica e coação moral para fazer amizades com micronacionalistas ao redor do mundo.
Não houve um mês sem este que assina o presente manifesto receber notificações de amigos e colegas sobre os ataques que recebeu, especialmente as ofensas dirigidas não ao monarca, mas ao homem. A imagem de minha família foi vilipendiada incessantemente em grupos de WhatsApp e outros, minha honra atacada diariamente e o Império e meus cidadãos, ofendidos. Nossos aliados no Brasil e no exterior, nas palavras injustas dos apoiadores dessa micronacionalista, são todos marionetes; nossos mais de 300 cidadãos, todos são farsantes.
Fui eu e também meus amigos chamados de bandidos, de conspiradores, de desonestos, de mentirosos, de uma série de outros adjetivos que em benefício da elegância do manifesto, irei me privar de transcrever. Foi Marina do Manso quem capitaneou uma dezena de acusações contra o Setor Brasileiro em geral e contra mim em específico, me chamando de “segregacionista”, “divisionista”, “revisionista”.
A quem se acostuma à mentira, a verdade ofende. Entre Abril de 2020 e meados de Junho de 2021, recebi mensagens de micronacionalistas ao redor do globo, da Europa à Ásia, me perguntando quem é ela e o motivo dela perguntar o motivo deles estabeleceram relações com a Kárnia-Rutênia, como eu os pressionava à terem uma relação amistosa com o Império. Não sem antes, é claro, afirmar que apesar de me respeitar, eu ser uma pessoa divisionista com políticas nocivas.
Isso, poucos dias depois de ser procurado por ela, propondo fazer as pazes e oferecendo e posteriormente insistindo em uma “arbitragem” onde eu deveria, basicamente, concordar que errei em tudo feito ao longo de 2020 e 2021 – basicamente jogar o Tratado de Persenburgo no lixo, ignorar toda a atividade brilhante produzida pelos membros da Conferência de Santiago no período e, diante de minha recusa, Marina do Manso retornou a confundir a discordância dela em relação à mim com política externa, o que em parte garante ao Reino do Manso a má reputação de que desfruta.
Contudo, as notícias mais recentes me causaram profundo desgosto. Um micronacionalista brasileiro, na tarde de ontem, foi abertamente hostilizado por Marina do Manso por ter se juntado ao Império. Segundo a mesma e endossada pelos supostos micronacionalistas que lhe fazem coro, há mais um fantoche em minhas mãos. Em sua cegueira seletiva aliada à imaginação sem limites, ela deixou de enxergar a livre vontade de outro micronacionalista, de outra pessoa. A divergência lhe pareceu uma traição. Ninguém pode discordar de Marina do Manso! Sua atitude? Tentar intimidar alguém em um grupo que ela controla. Coação moral, mentiras e subsequente chantagem emocional – esse é o modus operandi de Marina do Manso para fazer cumprir a sua vontade.
Essa, naturalmente, é apenas uma história. Em seu já longo histórico, além das ofensas que já mencionei aqui, se juntam montagens asquerosas de meus pais e mesmo de meu cachorro circularem em grupos de micronacionalistas brasileiros, acusações de ser “partidário” ao narrar as ações hediondas que esta dá causa, declarações dela de que a Conferência de Santiago só aceitou micronacionalista transgênero para “dizer que tinha apoio feminino”, dentre tantas outras agressões.
Por muito tempo, hesitei em tornar público o que aqui descrevi, e sempre tentei evitar que esta fosse denunciada por temer que seus atos afetassem a imagem do micronacionalismo brasileiro. Mas diante do alcance agora internacional de suas agressões, é preciso dar voz aos agredidos. Se sua micronação foi atacada ou coagida por Marina do Manso e seus asseclas, denuncie.
Se você foi vítima de coação moral, denuncie. Não se cale jamais diante do malfeito alheio. O mal triunfa quando o bom se cala.
Precisamos, urgentemente, escolher que caminho seguiremos como micronacionalistas. Nós vamos aprender a conviver na adversidade ou vamos acatar a agressão como instrumento de política externa e tratativa pessoal?
O Império já escolheu o seu caminho.
By early October, the Archdukes Ari and Denise, parents of the Emperor arrived in Persenburg for a 20-day visit, which brought a short season of family events at Court and brought the Emperor closer to his extended family while introducing them to his wife and daughter.
The Empress, on her side, assumed the command of the Order of the Enameled Cross, received several honors and took control of the Karno-Ruthenian Red Cross, being the first member of the medical forces to hold such position.
While the Empress was involved in social work, the Emperor moved a large diplomatic flow, receiving diplomats from Eminia and Delvera from November onwards. On November 10, Eminia decided to join the Empire, again bringing the imperial presence to francophone countries. Delvera would join the Empire the following month.
In early December, the Hofbau, seat of the Monarchy, had its facade restored and decorated for Christmas. With more than 2,500 LED lights, other neighbors of Persenburg’s most important building adhered and decorated their homes, making the address the brightest street in the capital. During the festivities, good news: the children of the Barons von Bock zu Guayahnasz, Baron David, was born. Baroness von Bock zu Guayahnasz is one of the Obersthofmeisterin of the Imperial Court and the closest friend of the Empress, godmother of the young baron.
In December, important manifestations came: the 13th anniversary of the Antarctic Micronational Union, the second mention of the Empire in macronational media and a meeting between Prince Wilhelm von und zu Hochbach, Palatine of the Court of Justice, Count Peter Szentmária, Minister of Culture and Hofballmusikdirektor and Lucas Othonsen, Hofpfalzgraf in the city of Petrópolis, Rio de Janeiro.
December, as usual, presented the Honor’s List and also the Imperial Christmas Message, that discussed the importance of choices, friends and to be open to new opportunities. At Christmas, an heirloom of the House of Woestein was presented to the Emperor by the Empress – the Woesteiner pen.
In January, Oscar I officially ceased to be the Secretary General of the Conference of Santiago, being replaced by Arthur II of Ebenthal. However, diplomatic work in favor of American micronationalism continued strong, having accompanied the inauguration of Stephen Luke as President of the Commonwealth of Dracul. Internally, a III Legislature was convened and brought innovations especially by the representatives of Delvera and Occidia.
Positioning himself against oppression and in favor of democracy, freedom and diplomacy, Oscar I was interviewed by Microcosme, in what would be the most read interview to date of the French micronational publication. Praised by media and peers, Oscar I conduct the Empire towards the greatness that is due to its people.
As predicted, the beginning of the new 20s was shaken by countless events and, for the most part, fortunately, many good moments.
On the first day of the year, the Treaty of Saint Sylvester signed between the Empire and the Kingdom of Taslavia the day before had effect, and transferred Horvatia to the new kingdom, and the borders of the Empire were changed, but not for the last time that year.
In a sign of profound prestige, the Emperor received, on the first six days of the year, the Imperial Order of St. Joachim of Vila Alicia, the very rare Presidential Citation of Merit by the President of Lostisland, the Grand Cross of the Order of Saturn of Mimas, the title of Duke of Tourkia by the Pavlovian Emperor and was proclaimed Protector of the Hanseatic and Confederate States of Achsen and granted the noble title of Hanseatic Prince by the Regency Council.
The first event of the Imperial Court took place on 07 September, when the Emperor attended the wedding of His Highness, the Duke of Altai, one of his closer friends, and one of the Grand Masters of the Court. By the end of that month, he would receive the Most Gallant Order of Mahabali Karthika Padaka of Vishwamitra, letters of the former and current Consul of Delvera, from the Stadhouder of Mauritia and his adopted son, the Duke of Frag.
In February, close to the six-year anniversary of relations between the Empire and Rino Island, , the most prominent citizen of India, was appointed His Majesty’s Ambassador to the Republic of India, the most important diplomatic post in Asia, while Dylan Callahan was appointed as the new ambassador to the United States of America. On 15 February, three ceremonial regiments were created within the Imperial and Royal Armed Forces: the Regiment of Hussars, the Regiment of Uhlans and the Regiments of Cuirassier.
While Omega SA became Purveyor to the Imperial and Royal Court, His Eminence, Cardinal Hallack, was appointed to serve as the second Apostolic Field Vicar, the first foreigner to be appointed. He is entitled to spiritual jurisdiction over the Imperial and Royal Armed Forces during times of war and peacetime. The Protocol of Klöw on rights and protection of the LGBTQIA+ community was signed by the Empire and several members of the Conference of Santiago by the end of that month.
March, however, would prove to be a more difficult month. The Emperor and the Imperial Chancellor suffered with users of Amino Apps using their photos and names to cover up their acts of hatred and vandalism. On 05 March, the Emperor, suffered an automobile accident: no victims, only financial losses. The situation would become more amenable with the arrival of a letter from his letter from his cousin, Emperor Olivier of Angyalistan, a honorable mention on Youtube Channel on micronationalism, the granting of the Royal Vishwamitran Chain and another event of the Imperial Court, the exhibition of Zack Snyder’s Justice League in a private session at the Hofbau Palace. The month would close with another meeting of the Santiago Conference.
In April, the “Jutlandian War” would take place: a conflict between the Empire and the Autonomous Republic of Jutlandia, part of the United State of Kumandria – and their several fake accounts. The unrest began on the evening of 11 April, when the Imperial Government was attacked by Enrique Zaragosa Falcón, Ruler of Jutlandia and Chairman of the Parliament of Kumandria. Constant personal attacks on the Emperor and the Empire, as many as a dozen of attempts to invade the imperial Twitter account, the Emperor-King led the defense of the Empire honor and virtual integrity, being joined by volunteers from Sildavia, Villa Alicia, Luna and Mauritia. After six hours of intense attacks, Jutlandian forces retreated in complete humiliation, but several fake accounts would try again i nthe following months.
On 17 April, the Emperor and other members of the government and court, watched online through BBC Television the funeral of His Royal Highness, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. The following day, the Emperor had a private audience with Prince Kundarheim about the Statute of the Imperial Family for legal review and the discussion of possible changes to the Imperial Constitution – something in studying to the date. That same day, a new census was released: Brazilians became the majority among citizens (22.3%), the most declared ethnicity among citizens was Caucasian (71.6%), Catholicism remained the predominant religion (40.8%) and increased the number of men (79.7%). By the end of the month, an agreement between the Empire and Taslavia was concluded and Taslavia adopted the Ruthenian Mark as the national currency – and would adopt the Conferential Doubloon some months later.
In May, at the very first day, begins the work to catalog all banknotes, coins, medals, letters and postcards that compose the Imperial and Royal Collection. The collection is owned by Oscar I and overseen by the Ministry of the Household. Numismatic items and micronational material compose the collection – and are still in process of catalog until now. Meanwhile, in Occidia, the Council of Junkers approved the Criminal Code after the longest session of its history – 81 days and a meeting at the end of the month between the Emperor, the King of Taslavia and his father, Archduke Helio, paved the way for the Emperor’s rapprochement with the rest of the dynasty, culminating in the signing of the Statute of the Imperial Family and the regularization of the titles of members of the Imperial House.
On 3 June, the Emperor-King attended the solemn mass of Corpus Christi at the Cathedral of Saint Stephen of Hungary, in Persenburg in another court event, but was a week later that Hofbau saw major events, during a week-long visit of the King of Taslavia, a cousin of the Karno-Ruthenian Emperor. Right before the visit, a tank of the Brazilian Army paraded in front of Hofbau and the unusual event was photographed. However, the most interesting event of the month was the mention of the Empire, for the very first time, on mainstream media, at the Superinteressante magazine.
A new embassy of the Empire was open in Zoetermeer, Netherlands in July, some days before the Imperial and Royal Academy of Geographical and Social Studies be awarded the Royal Order of Câmara Cascudo by the King of Quinta Velha. Dhrubajyoti Roy, His Majesty’s Ambassador to India, assumed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Office of the Emperor’s Master of the Royal Hunt was created. At the end of the month, the Imperial Treasury transferred to the Government of Delvera 25% of the amount that Occidia owed to the Republic’s coffers. With the other 25% being funded by the Delveran government, Occidia regularized its fiscal situation.
In August, after the celebrations for the Empire Day, two treaties entered into force: the Treaty of Leige, by which Carpathia and Letzembourg left the Empire on 11 August and the Treaty of Víden, by which the Lateran State become independent again and Roschfallen joined the Imperial Circle under Karno-Ruthenian protection. But was due the celebrations of the Emperor’s birthday, another huge imperial court event, that some news was noted and celebrated.
On 16 August, the Emperor received in Hofbau the Archbishop of Persenbrg, the Margraves Kiefernholz and family, the Baroness Schaf and daughters and Infanta Maria Elisabeth of Woestein and Mauritia and her daugther, Jonkvrouw Alice, for an official dinner to celebrate his birthday. On following day, the Emperor spent the day in the company of the Infanta of Woestein and her daugther at their residence, returning to Hofbau at the night of Sunday. Ten days later, after a fast negotiation, the Infanta would become Empress Marie Elisabeth of Karnia, also a cousin of the Stadhouder of Mauritia in what is considered the first real dynastic union of micronationalism that ever happened. The following day, her daughter Alice was adopted by Oscar I, becoming the first archduchess of her generation.
While the Empire celebrated not just the imperial union but its 300th citizen, the Emperor received a letter from the President of the Federal Republic of Lostisland, the Order of the Black Chopibird from his new cousin the Stadhouder of Mauritia, created the Order of Norton in Occidia and confirmed the presence of the Imperial Couple at the Brazilian premiere of “OO7 – No Time to Die”.
And October is right ahead.
The Roaring Twenties refers to the decade of the 1920s, as a period of prosperity and cultural edge in Western society, emphasizing the period’s social, artistic and cultural dynamism with significant new trends in lifestyle and culture. The spirit of the Roaring Twenties was marked by the feeling of novelty associated with modernity and a break with tradition. Everything seemed possible through modern technology.
These new Roaring Twenties, this time from the following century, find their parallels with the previous one. We started to say goodbye to the horrors of the decade that is now ending and we look ecstatic and hopeful for the future. Regarding the Empire in a specific way, the hope for a bright future is immense and totally justified. The events of this second semester of 2020 position the Empire to think in this way, since the great changes have already begun.
In late June, the Empire signed a treaty of recognition with the Principality of New Luchaber, the Republic of Avinenska and the State of Vishwamitra. On 22 June, during the Mission “Spiritual Astronaut”, the K.R.O.S.A. made astronomical photos of Comet Neowise and the Milky Way, taken from the observatory in Pico do Arieiro, Madeira Island, by the Duke of Libertia, an amazing contribution of the agency. On the same day, the government announced the creation of an official page on Instagram that had prospered since. Among various activities of the Court, the Emperor received officials from the Grand Republic of Delvera and the North American Confederation for a meeting, for the first time. The agenda was about diplomatic, politic and economic approach, in addition to strengthening micronational practice in the American continent and would bring great consequences for the parties of this reunion.
By July, the Ministry of Culture launched initiatives to increase cultural activity and rendered very popular playlists on Spotify (1 and 2). On the following days, on 03 August, the Emperor received representatives from 6 micronations at a meeting of the Conference of Santiago to discuss the creation of common protocols on digital security, integrity of micronational intellectual property, humanitarian rights and economic integration. On 04 August, the Empire revoked the Treaty of Woodland, in the terms of the article XVII of the mentioned document, despite the illegality of the movement of the former ruler of Celyn and formally dissolved the Free Territory of Celyn. The event marked the end of the wishes of the government to expand the Karno-Ruthenian territory. On 05 August, to finish the celebrations for the Empire Day, an unprecedented partnership arised: Wise Up, an English language school in Brazil, offers special conditions for citizens of the Empire who want to learn or improve their language – a major sign of recognition in Brazil and a real demonstration of care to the citizens by the Government by the settle of this agreement.
On 07 August, the Emperor-King, the Emperor of North American Confederation, the Junior King in the Confederation and Mr. Callahan met, and an agreement between the Karnia-Ruthenia and North American Confederation, with the consent of Delvera was completed and set the nation on a brand new course. William I signed the “Act of Abdication” formally relinquishing his position as Emperor and Senior King, appointing Oscar of Karnia-Ruthenia as successor to both positions. Emperor Oscar has agreed to the arrangement and this change enabled stronger ties between the Delvera and Karnia-Ruthenia. Emperor William continued to serve his nation in the private sector and within the Council of Junkers. In addition, the position of Viceroy of the Confederation has been established to allow a more localized rule of law. Mr. Dylan Callahan has been appointed to the position.
A week later, His Majesty received several honors and compliments from the United Provinces of Mauritia, the Kingdom of Legialle, Misberia, State of Vishwamitra and Rino Island for his birthday. Celebrations for Saint Stephen, the patron saint of the Empire, were carried six days later. By the end of the month, with a new order received from the Principality of Sildavia and the creation of two new national holidays – Art Nouveau Day and the Day of Good Deeds, Ruthenia had its administrative divisions reformed. The territorial dimension of Ruthenia was also published: 3.14 square kilometers in private properties acquired by the Imperial Family since when Ruthenia was founded in 2014.
On 01 September, in another great initiative by the Ministry of Culture, the Lichthaus was founded; a place where all the works of Karno-Ruthenian culture and art are collected and exposed, as well as some works of public domain. Also in artistic domain, a new Hofpfalzgraf was appointed, Mr. Lucas Othonsen. At the end of the month, the North American Government and the Emperor had another meeting and new plans were established for the titan of North American micronationalism. After a month of work, the fourth constitution of the North American Confederation reformed the country to become the Occidian Empire and officially start the Oscarine Era. In this renewed frame, several establishments were made, and the most dramatic one was the reestablishment of the worldwide famous armed forces as the Imperial Forces of Defense, recovering the New European Heritage.
In October, when the Emperor was called “unsuspected pioneer of federalism” and “fine diplomat” by the foreign media, receiving several another decorations and honors from all over the world, his works on micropatriology were to be translated to French and spread among French micronationalists, a sign very appreciated by Karno-Ruthenians as a sign not just of appreciation, but also of influence and quality, something unprecedent for Brazilian micronationalists.
In the first half of November, the Empire reached the mark of 300 guaranteed citizenships although some were suspended or revoked over time, but the activity was reduced since the Emperor withdrew to take care of his health in extremely distressing moments that, eventually, have been overcome. In the second half, good and bad moments occurred in quick succession. On 23 November, Karnia-Ruthenia and Occidia signed the Montediszamble Convention; two days later, His Imperial and Royal Highness, Archduke Antonio, father of Archduke Ari and grandfather of His Majesty, the Emperor-King, passed away. The Imperial Court decrees a month of mourning and received notes from several micronations from all over the world in a sign that deeply moved the Imperial Family. On 30 November, the Emperor-King, carried out a joint action with the Imperial Red Cross and made a blood donation. Interviewed after the donation, he reinforces his commitment to the cause, one of the main ones of the Red Cross of Karnia-Ruthenia and that afternoon, afternoon, he visited the Isenland family, who presented the newborn margravine. The family, deeply involved with the community of Greater Persenburg, invited the Emperor to be the godfather of the newly born. They would be raised to dual rank a month later.
In December, the Hofbau, seat of the Monarchy, had its facade decorated for Christmas. With more than 1,500 LED lights, other neighbors of one of the Persenburg’s most important buildings have adhered and decorated their homes, making His Majesty’s address the brightest street in the capital. The Emperor received the representatives of the last meeting of 2020 of the Conference of Santiago and on 16 December, the Imperial Household reported that the Dynasty produced its third monarch: Archduke Guilherme Ítalo, cousin of His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty, the Emperor-King, founded the Kingdom of Taslavia, that became the first nation to join the Imperial Circle, a voluntary association of independent and sovereign states responsible for its own policies, consulting and co-operating in the common interests and in promotion of international understanding.
Ten days later, the first confirmed case of citizen infected with COVID-19. His Highness, the Marquis Alexandro of Grancasa, brother of the Duke of Libertia, contracted the disease and is at rest. The rest of House of Libertia are in prophylactic isolation. On Christmas Eve, with the consent of Council of Junkers, the Emperor declared the cease of hostilities bewteen Occidia and Paragonia. After 10 years and 306 days of conflict, known as Ungerecht War, Occidia concluded the conflict and proclaim its victory and the dissolution of Paragonia. The same day, a Message of Christmas was broadcasted, this time, with a joint message, featuring the Consul of Delvera, Mrs. Hannah Callahan. On 30 December, the Imperial Council, an organ of State distinct from the Throne with the function of advising and assisting the Emperor, had a meeting that lasted two hours and decided that Daugavia will be dissolved at 11:59 pm on 31 December; Horvatia will be transferred to Taslavia through the Treaty of Saint Sylvester and Tsechia will be merged to Karnia.
With so many events, the next decade is approaching with the promise of immense news and a new configuration not only of the Empire or micronationalism, but of the world. And in these turbulent years to come – Roariang Twenties, we embrace hope, because fear, no Karno-Ruthenian knows.
In times when we are all affected by a serious disease that plagues all humanity, monitoring the development of the last few months is still hopeful: the “new normal” does not mean the inertia of seclusion, but it can represent the intellectual step that is the first step facing a marathon that includes strategy, planning and, of course, action to put these plans into practice.
On the eve of Easter, on 10 April, the Emperor was awarded foreign honors: he was made Duke of Cabugi by the King of Quinta Velha and Brigadier of the Royal Army of the United Provinces of Mauritia. The following day, still in aristocratic activities at the Imperial Court, Hofbau hosted a lively dinner between the Emperor, the Barons Kiefernholz and Countess Eisenland. The day that followed, 12 April, was marked by a silent Easter in a Persenburg subjected to social isolation.
The following week would be rocked by two events. The Imperial Diet, on 17 April, started the discussion to postpone the mandate of that legislature for another year, due COVID-19. The proposal was not taken forward and the II Legislature ended on the 10 June. No predictions were made about calling for new elections. Once again, the Court would welcome the Barons Kiefernholz, Countess Eisenland and Ms. Nascimento for an official dinner.
On 21 April, while the Imperial Government hailed the heroic efforts of King Christian of Carpathia for assisting civilian doctors and nurses in testing and treating COVID-19, as well as transporting medical supplies with US Army, government officials received, in disbelief and scorn, an outrageous amount of 600 sextillion dollars sent by a candidate for citizen who, having declared that he would refuse to comply with the laws of his country of origin, was refused imperial citizenship. Over the weeks, he would continue to fill the government’s message box with his obtuse and improper pretensions to sue the government for not obtaining citizenship for not wanting to follow the law…
The following week saw the Empire strengthen its ties with South American micronations. The Imperial Government and the Government of the Republic of Rino Island held a conference that resulted in the renewal of diplomatic ties between the two micronations, which dates back to 2015. This conference resulted in a close approximation of micronations from the Brazilian Sector and Rino Island and an unprecedented expansion derivatism and virtualism across the continent, culminating in the accession of Rino Island to the Santiago Conference, the most important micronational organization in South America. On the same 25 April, the Empire would recognize the Kingdom of Luna, a micronation established in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
On 03 May, the Emperor would receive the Order of Saints Sylvan and Florian by the Prince of Lochaber and Glencoe and a week later, he would see Argadia split from the Empire to re-integrate Imvrassia after four years of union. On the same day, Oscar I was made Honorary Member of the Maurense Historic and Geographical Institute, the first honor of the kind that was granted to the Karno-Ruthenian sovereign. The following day, 09 May, a historic event: the Empire, along Mauritia, Villa Alicia, Quinta Velha, Luna, Ebenthal, Syldavia, Lateran States and Rino Island signed the Convention of Mauritsstad, a treaty to promote the friendship between derivatist and virtualist micronations, in one of the most relevant acts of unification of the micronational movement on the continent.
On that same 09 May, the imperial embassy in South Korea would be established and entrusted to Mr. Lim JeaWon’s zealous work. During the process of strengthening diplomatic relations, the Principality of Centumcellae was recognized by the Empire and as a sample of imperial support for Quinta Velha, its king conferred a second honor, the Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Rita of Cascia.
On 13 May, the Emperor-King suffered a domestic accident that left him incapacitated, having a medical recommendation to abstain from activities for a week. However, he returned to fulfilling his agenda the day before the recommended on a particularly busy day, answer messages of solidarity from Delvera, Imvrassia and Brienia among others; responded to negotiations with Celyn, made proposals to prevent cyber conflicts in Brazilian sector, participated in a meeting of the Conference of Santiago and received a representative of the Catholic Church in Micronationalism at the Imperial Court.
Two weeks later, the office of Director of Music of the Court, responsible for planning and develop musical initiatives at Court, would be established. The first Hofballmusikdirektor is Mr. Peter Melchior, that a month later would be appointed as the new Minister of Culture.
With the month of May coming to an end, the trauma of Argadia’s independence gave space to the union of Free Territory of Celyn with the Empire. Under the terms of the treaty, this champion of LGBTQ+ rights demanded respect and freedom for his population, something already guaranteed by the Imperial Constitution. A special friendship was formed for the defense of the rights and guarantees of men, and the new imperial state located in Wales was placed under the protection of the Grand Duchy of Nordinsel.
On the 04 July, partly for the personal promotion of His Majesty, the Emperor, as well as for the support of the Hungarian community of Greater Persenburg and supported by the Hungarian Consulate in São Paulo, the bells of the Cathedral of St. Stephen the King of Hungary promoted a minute ballads to remember the centenary of the signing of the Treaty of Trianon.
On 13 June, the Empire signed the Treaty of Dionysopol with the Empire of Pavlov and the Treaty of Theodosia, with Pavlov and the North American Confederation. The treaty, which regulates the use and recognition of imperial rank initially caused negative repercussions resolved in a joint note clarifying the terms of the innovative treaty, which in addition to creating unique political mechanisms, truly celebrates and qualifies imperial dignity. The signing of these treaties, in turn, would strengthen the Empire’s connection with its former ally, Pavlov, but also with the North American Confederation and, in turn, with the Great Republic of Delvera, whose representatives would be received in meetings in the first half of July in a strong movement of approximation hitherto unprecedented in imperial history.
On June 16, while the Court celebrated the birthday of Archduchess Denise, the entire Empire celebrated that the Karácsony Football Club won the CFM Cup, the micronational football championship of the Brazilian sector. The result of 4-0 against the Valencia FC was one of the greatest moments of eSport in Empire’s history. That same day, the imperial ambassador to Italy, Nicola Pillonetto, joined the Civil Protection Department on behalf of our Red Cross to help fight COVID-19. Two days later, the Emperor was subjected to test to check for contamination by COVID-19 and it was proved that he had no contact with the disease, has no antibodies and does not transmit the disease.
Continuing with the foreign policy dedicated to the union of micronational projects in Latin America, the Empire articulated the adhesion of the Imperial Government of Lifreia to the Convention of Mauristaad, the Treaty of Persenburg and the Protocol of Goetha. For these efforts, the Emperor received the Grand Cross of the Order of the Black Eagle by the Sovereign Vitor of Deltaria and was made Marquis of León and Grand Cross of the Micronational Order of the Dauphin by the Prince John of Noronha.
In early July, the Conference of Santiago, which had already issued joint notes for the death of the American micronationalist Nicholas Randouler and in defense of the Republic of Rino Island for the violation of its intellectual material, stated a new note on terrorist movements that proliferate through the so-called Sector Lusophone in the phenomenon called in the other sectors “clone nations”. Another warning would be given days later, when individuals from this terrorist group began to copy symbols from the Brazilian Sector and the Conference to deceive foreign micronationalists.
On 13 July, after attending the first mass in Persenburg after months of social isolation, and saluting the Pavlovian Empire for its eighth anniversary, the Emperor received the resignation of Caio de Taxus, who left the Ministry of Foreign Relations after the end of the II Legislature, that happened the same day. Archie Birch, a novice citizen, informally assumed the post of Chargé d’Affaires.
The first trimester experienced by the Empire was full of events that drastically affected the micronation and took place in such a rapid succession of events that all seem organic to the inattentive eye, but write several pages to the already extensive Karno-Ruthenian history.
On 30 December 2019, the Emperor of Karnia-Ruthenia met Wilhelm III, the leader of a simulationist micronation of Lusophone sector for a dinner where they discussed various topics of micro and macronational order and reinforced the friendship between the micronations and their rulers – or so it was thought. The Lusophone sector of micronationalism was divided. On 05 January, His Majesty the Emperor met the Count Lucas of Eichweiss and his three children at São Paulo for a lunch and later that week, another meeting between the Emperor, the Count of Eichweiss and Wilhelm III took place – the last seen by the Lusophone sector of micronationalism as a unified sector.
In addition to foreign policy, the Empire’s internal policy also saw major developments. On the first day of the year, the Imperial Diet dethroned King Carl of Cardonia and Oscar succeeded as king; the Asian-Antarctic District’s seat on parliament was declared vacant and Cardonia was confirmed as part of the Empire.
Culturally, there was also significant movement. On 13 January, a text with micropatriological content in Portuguese and later translated to English was published and donated to the collection of the Imperial and Royal Academy of Geographical and Social Studies, by His Imperial and Royal Majesty, the Emperor-King. The text received general acclaim and was followed by another text of the I.R.A.G.S.S. by His Highness, Prince Karácsony-Maryen, the Imperial Chancellor, about the micronational activity in Brazil.
January finished with the news that, on 29 January, the Empire and the Principality of Montescano signed the Treaty of St. Demetrius and established mutual recognition and diplomatic relations with the Duchy of Two Melillas and reforced rights to members of Pavlovian Union in an ever-increasing action to settle old rivalries and bring the parties involved closer together.
February, in turn, started chaotic with the first natural disaster that occurred in the capital of the Empire. On 10 February, Greater Persenburg was totally flooded, with the Hofbau, the main seat of the Monarchy, flooded and isolated. At the end of the day, the water level – the highest in 77 years – has dropped. Losses wasn’t calculated and the access to Hofbau was restored by the night.
Overcome the bitterness of losses and the fear of further flooding, the Karno-Ruthenian people rejoiced the tribute paid by the Kingdom of Manso, on 19 February, when the Government of the Kingdom of Manso launched its new series of coins, which has the shield of the allies with Karnia-Ruthenia appearing in prestigious position.
On 21 February, the Imperial Diet started the debates on the creation of the “Imperial Circle”: a voluntary association of states autonomous within the Empire but not annexed, responsible for its own policies and co-operating in common interests and in promotion of international understanding mastered by the imperial principles. Only on 28 March the Imperial Circle would be formalized, marking a new step in foreign policy and creating a new sphere of influence.
On 25 February, the Emperor-King attended a mass held by the Archbishop of Persenburg, accompanied by the Baroness Schaf and the newly-made Countess Eisenland. On the following day, Prince Wilhelm Kundarheim was interviewed by Alexandre Brautigam, from the podcast Brazilian ‘Ressonâncias’ to talk about the advantages of a monarchical regime for Brazil as a monarchist and a jurist.
On 27 February, the Antarctic Micronational Union resumed activity. In talks since December 2019, a number of current and former AMU members started negotiation talks, weighing the possibility of reviving the organization. These talks materialized when the new Charter of the Antarctic Micronational Union was signed by the representatives of Hortania, Lostisland, Užupis, Karnia-Ruthenia, Westarctica, Missionary Order of the Celtic Cross, and Montescano, who reconfirmed their membership in the revived organization. The Grand Duchy of Flandrensis opted out of rejoining the AMU, but announced a change in foreign policy, recognizing the territorial claims of all AMU members.
The Empire’s foreign performance was marked by innumerable advances, but to that end, it was also forced to retreat. Facing increasing resistance from Brazilian micronationalists due to his sympathetic view of derivatism, he was forced to abdicate as King of Eslavija on the night of 29 February, ending his second reign in this micronation, which lasted a year, six months and twenty two days. He was the founder of this micronation, established in 07 August 2009.
In the following month, on 03 March, the Emperor-King, assumed the patronage of the Equestrian Order of Saint Thomas, reforming it with the help of several micronationalists who speak the Portuguese language, and reforming it to become an association of lay people, greatly improving it, especially by the canonical basis of its formation.
In the night of 09 March, His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor-King, received the Kings of Luna at the Paris 6 restaurant, in São Paulo, Brazil. They started their career at micronationalism in the major ally of the Empire at the Lusophone sector, the United Provinces of Mauricia, but acquired Karno-Ruthenian citizenship and ascended to the Throne of Luna. This meeting was considered the base for the creation of the Brazilian Sector of micronationalism. On the following day, the Empire and Rino Island reaffirmed their established mutual recognition and diplomatic relations, signed back in 2015 and established one of the most antiques friendships between micronations in Latin America.
On 12 March, His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor-King, spoke to the Imperial Diet asking for measures to be taken by the government face the coronavirus outbreak. With the political support, the Red Cross of Karnia-Ruthenia started their campaign for conscientization and prevention by 17 March and again on 22 March. On 18 March, after testing negative for COVID-19, the Duke of Daugavia, Minister of Foreign Affairs, volunteered to be isolated. There were no cases of infected citizens until early April. In this scenario, the Popsec Studio, a group of filmmakers with the Duke of Libertia among them, made all of their short films available for quarantine.
By the end of the month, after traditional micronationalists from Brazil started expose criticism on derivatism practice as “ignorant” and “dishonest”, a cision in the sector was eminent. Far beyond promoting derivatism among Brazilian aspirants to micronational practice, the derivatist micronationalists in Brazil intended to establish good terms with each other, in contrast to the rivalry of Brazilian micronations at the time and to present themselves to the other micronational sectors as a variant of Lusophone sector, a more friendly and open to micronational practices enshrined in the rest of the world.
The Lusophone sector of micronationalism is known for modelism and simulationism, being the only micronational sector where this segment is the majority. Dissent to this current is usally ostracized and harassed. Thus, considering the Lusophonia a “closed system”, some derivatists projects noted they should organized themselves like other sectors, based this time not only on language, but also on geography and to establish more active relations with other linguistic and geographic sectors.
The beggining of this cision within Portuguese-speaking micronationalism started in a conversation that happened on 12 March 2020 between the Emperor of Karnia-Ruthenia and the Queen of Manso, the leaders of the most successful derivative projects of Brazilian origin. The result of this conversation was the Treaty of Persenburg and the creation of the Brazilian Micronationalism group on Facebook. Most of the members were made up of micronationalists whose projects were of recent foundation, most had acquired experience in simulationist micronationalism, had contact with the foreign micronational movement, especially the English-speaking micronations, the called “Anglophone sector”, and were sympathetic to the ideas of creating their projects with based on the Montevideo Convention of 1933, which led to the signing of the Protocol of Goetha.
With the beginning of April and the uncertainties of this period of pandemic and rapid developments in domestic and foreign policies, the future – immediate and mediate – are real surprises.
Texto em português, doado ao acervo da Imperial e Real Academia de Estudos Sociais e Geográficos.Sua Alteza Ilustríssima, Thomas de Aquiwedé-Brigância e Albuquerque-Maryen, Príncipe Karácsony-Maryen.
Micromundo Express; Micronacionaismo; Micronacionalismo lusófono. Estes e tantos outros grupos no facebook reúnem as notícias das micronações brasileiras. Aliás, os micronacionalistas brasileiros são maioria absoluta nestes grupos dedicados ao micronacionalismo lusófono, com exceção de alguns portugueses e dois ou três angolanos. Nestes territórios virtuais, as reportagens sobre as atividades das micronações inundam as notificações do Facebook, quase como um flood permanente. A Espanha aprovou sua Constituição recentemente, a União Platina elegeu um novo Governador e o Vaticano reconheceu uma outra micronação.
O Micronacionalismo brasileiro é praticamente isso: Representações de nações macronacionais, geralmente em um período histórico específico e com características quase sempre monárquicas, com exceção para algumas poucas repúblicas. Algumas micronações simulacionistas replicam símbolos (mídias, brasões, bandeiras), territórios e moedas das nações existentes no mundo.
O Simulacionismo já se tornou corrente unânime entre os micronacionalistas brasileiros, mas não é uma máxima em outras partes do mundo. Os anglófonos, por exemplo, são em sua grande maioria derivatistas; ou seja, a maioria das micronações têm como representação territorial a casa ou algum território pertencente ao seu fundador. Isso acontece na lusofonia também, mas com pouca representatividade. As exceções são o Império Karno-Ruteno, o Reino do Manso, o Ducado de Libértia (Estado constituinte do Império Karno-Ruteno), o Principado do Ilhéu da Pontinha e alguns outros projetos. A simulação, como visto, é a principal atividade dos brasileiros no micronacionalismo, mas sempre foi assim? O fruto da atividade micronacional entre os brasileiros sempre foi de cunho virtual e, porque não, imaterial? Como se deu o caminho para chegar até as atividades atuais? É o que este artigo busca investigar.
PARTE I: O INICIO DA LUSOFONIA E DAS MICRONAÇÕES BRASILEIRAS E O PSEUDOMATERIALISMO
Em 1992, Pedro Aguiar decidiu fundar Porto Claro, a primeira micronação brasileira que se tem notícia. A história de Porto Claro começa da forma mais materialista possível: a micronação começou a se desenvolver a partir do “Mapão”, uma grande planta da cidade de São Herculano desenhada por Aguiar. Após isso, Aguiar levou seu mapa para o colégio, onde os colegas começaram a escolher casas e terrenos no mapa e participar da simulação apresentada pelo colega.
Apesar da simplicidade e simulação, o micronacionalismo brasileiro e lusófono começou de forma mais imersiva e material: todos os atores da simulação estavam ali, reunidos pessoalmente em volta de um mapa da micronação, assumindo funções e escolhendo onde morariam, apesar de que muito deles não continuariam na micronação nos outros momentos da história. Essa “materialização” de Porto Claro chegou inclusive, a ser demonstrada na criação dos cidadãos de papel, os paples, que compreende o período da história de Porto Claro de 1993 – 1997. Foi em 1996 que Pedro Aguiar descobriu as micronações anglófonas espalhadas pelo mundo, passou por “conflitos” internacionais com seus paples e incluiu a lusofonia no simulacionismo virtual das micronações. Com o e-mail enviado por Aguiar à Liga dos Estados Secessionistas (L.O.S.S, League of Secessionist States em inglês), estava marcada a entrada da lusofonia no universo micronacional.
Outra micronação que teve um inicio bastante material foi o Sacro Império de Reunião. Apesar de sua atividade ocorrer pela Internet, há bastante material produzido “fisicamente”. É notório que Cláudio de Castro, Sacro Imperador de Reunião, costumava andar paramentado com sua vestimenta Imperial e com medalhas, chegando a aparecer em matérias de grandes jornais brasileiros desta forma. Além disso, eram bastante comuns os encontros de Reuniões, cujo o site de Reunião dá conta de terem acontecido pelo menos seis edições e onde as fotos infelizmente já não estão mais acessíveis ao tempo deste estudo. Além disso, na Hemeroteca Imperial é possível acessar diversos jornais de época que falam sobre Reunião, jornais da própria micronação que foram impressos e documentos encaminhados ao Imperador. Reunião foi mais além em alguns aspectos. O Imperador Cláudio, por exemplo, já chegou a visitar o território reclamado pela micronação, a Ilha de Reunião, ordenou a cunhagem de medalhas, moedas e cédulas, imprimir passaporte próprio, bandeiras, cartão da Imperial e Benemérita Sociedade dos Amigos do Sacro Império de Reunião, dentre muitas outras “materialidades”. Como podemos ver, o passado do micronacionalismo brasileiro é marcado tanto pela simulação quanto por este materialismo em pequenos detalhes que vão construindo elementos físicos das micronações, que aqui chamamos de pseudomaterialismo. As primeiras micronações importantes para o micronacionalismo lusófono mantinham essa perspectiva de produção de legado material em seus projetos, além das constantes reuniões e encontro de seus cidadãos.
PARTE II: O CENÁRIO ATUAL DA LUSOFONIA, OS DISSIDENTES DERIVATISTAS E O VIRTUALISMO COMO PREDOMINÂNCIA
Hoje, uma infinidade de micronações surgem no cenário brasileiro, todas de cunho puramente virtual. As já existentes e consolidadas no cenário micronacional lusófono também seguem esta vertente através dos anos. Devido ao modelo pré-estabelecido por Porto Claro, Reunião e as micronações que surgiram no cenário brasileiro, o virtualismo se tornou corrente predominante no micronacionalismo brasileiro, com algumas exceções.
Dentro destas exceções, se destacam o Reino do Manso, micronação derivatista situada na propriedade rural da família da Rainha Marina I e que alia fatos do cotidiano e história familiar a acontecimentos da micronação. Há também o Império Karno-Ruteno, que congrega micronações derivatistas espalhadas pelo mundo e que hoje é a principal referência do derivatismo lusófono. Entre as micronações que constituem o Império há também o Ducado de Libértia, tendo como representação territorial a residência de seus fundadores, bem como o Reino de Rutênia, situado em propriedade da família do Imperador-Rei Oscar I. Há também o internacionalmente conhecido Principado da Pontinha, que reivindica como território o Ilhéu da Pontinha, adquirida por D. Renato Bastos II em 2000, mas que desde 1903 não é considerada mais território português. Podemos ainda considerar as Províncias Unidas de Maurícia como uma mescla entre simulacionismo e derivatismo, já que vários de seus cidadãos vivem nos territórios reclamados pela micronação.
A maioria destas micronações, pela sua característica derivatista, já tem uma existência real, devido às suas reclamações territoriais coerentes com os locais onde estão seus fundadores e que acabam influenciando nos mapas e outras características dos projetos. Além disso, há a produção de cédulas de dinheiro (Kárnia-Rutênia e Manso já tiveram algumas cédulas impressas ou desenhadas), impressão de cartões-postais, de diplomas de títulos nobiliárquicos, bandeiras, camisas de times de futebol (principalmente na Kárnia-Rutênia, onde foram produzidos modelos do Real Ephigenia e do Karácsony Football Club) e outros detalhes micronacionais.
Além disso, algumas destas micronações se empenham em realizar encontros micronacionais que, inclusive, não se limitam às micronações derivatistas, mas que ainda são raros no micronacionalismo lusófono brasileiro devido ao tamanho continental do país, que dificulta e encarece as viagens dos micronacionalistas.
O Reino da Escorvânia é uma das pioneiras e também das mais frequentes micronações a realizar encontros micronacionais, principalmente entre seus cidadãos. Ao todo já aconteceram seis encontros de escorvâneses e um encontro entre o Presidente da União Platina e o Ministro da Educação da Escorvânia.
Em 2016, aconteceu o encontro de micronacionalistas na Pinacoteca de São Paulo. Participaram desta edição o Imperador-Rei Oscar I e o Príncipe Herdeiro dos Pampas. Em 2018, ocorreu mais um encontro de micronacionalistas, desta vez participando Oscar I da Kárnia-Rutênia, o então Conde Lucas de Orange das Províncias Unidas de Maurícia, o Kaiser Guilherme III e o então Conde Fernando de Vyšehrad da Alemanha. Este talvez tenha sido o principal encontro de micronacionalistas de várias micronações dos últimos anos. Os encontros micronacionais tem sido o carro-chefe de uma pratica micronacional mais realista no micronacionalismo brasileiro, além de raras produções de materiais citados anteriormente. Ainda assim, são poucas as micronações que se empenham na produção física de seus materiais, ficando estas produções limitadas às atividades das micronações derivatistas. Pelo caráter virtualista, as micronações mantém suas produções apenas no campo das representações gráficas online. Assim, moedas, bandeiras, cartas e outros documentos existem apenas como “peça publicitária” produzida em Photoshop e divulgadas nas redes sociais e fóruns das micronações.
Pode-se dizer que o micronacionalismo brasileiro surgiu como uma fusão do virtualismo e do materialismo, o pseudomaterialismo. As primeiras micronações faziam, sobretudo, simulações territoriais, políticas e sociais nos aspectos geopolíticos, mas também tinham um caráter realista, uma vez que congregava amigos próximos nas atividades, o que proporcionava uma interação real no andamento das atividades das micronações. Esta proximidade tornou possível a emissão de cartas, a produção de uniformes, bandeiras, documentos escritos à mão, encontros micronacionais frequentes e bastante movimentados, além de reportagens que divulgavam a atividade micronacional para todo o Brasil nas décadas finais dos anos 1990 e início dos anos 2000.
Com o boom da Internet brasileira, estas micronações, principalmente Porto Claro e Reunião, tiveram contato com as micronações anglófonas e seu modus operandi de fazer micronacionalismo, adaptando para suas realidades. A Internet caiu como uma luva para ser a solução das micronações para as dimensões continentais do Brasil. A atividade passou a ser quase que exclusivamente online, enquanto as características presenciais da atividade foram se perdendo, bem como a produção material de elementos das micronações.
Hoje, a simulação virtual é predominante entre as micronações lusófonas, o que dá uma impressão de facilidade na criação de novos projetos, o que culmina no surgimento de diversas micronações ao longo dos anos. No entanto, as facilidades do universo online não têm ajudado as micronações a conseguir novos cidadãos e, porque não, novos adeptos ao micronacionalismo. Isso porque todos aqueles que decidem fundar uma micronação o fazem sozinhos, e não acompanhados de amigos, como fizeram os fundadores de Porto Claro e Reunião, por exemplo.
As exceções a esta realidade virtual e imaterial se conta nos dedos e está no legado construído pelas micronações derivatistas ou “mistas”. Nestas, os fundadores e alguns cidadãos estão nos territórios reclamados e há constante produção de material físico e real, apesar delas não abrirem mão das benesses do virtualismo, conseguindo angariar cidadãos de outras partes do país e mantendo contato com as diversas micronações espalhadas pelo Brasil. É conclusivo afirmar, portanto, que o micronacionalismo brasileiro migrou de uma realidade que aliava o micronacionalismo virtual com a produção de legado material em seus primórdios, caracterizado aqui pelo termo pseudomaterialismo já que não havia predominância da produção material, mas que estava presente na atividade das micronações, para um virtualismo excessivo, pautado exclusivamente na atividade e produção online, contando com poucas exceções.
- http://www.reuniao.org/projeto4.0/inicio.htm – Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- http://imagens.micronacao.com.br/index.php?/category/2/%7C – Hemeroteca Imperial do Sacro Império de Reunião. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://micronations.wikia.org/pt/wiki/Cria%C3%A7%C3%A3o_de_Porto_Claro – Artigo de Porto Claro no Micronations Wikia. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://micronations.wikia.org/pt/wiki/Papeliza%C3%A7%C3%A3o_de_Porto_Claro – Artigo sobre a papelização de Porto Claro. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://micronations.wikia.org/pt/wiki/Descoberta_do_mundo_micronacional – Artigo sobre a descoberta do mundo micronacional por Porto Claro. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- http://www.theloss.org/ – Site da L.O.S.S. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://micronations.wiki/wiki/League_of_Secessionist_States – Artigo sobre a L.O.S.S. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Principado_da_Pontinha – Artigo sobre o Principado da Pontinha. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://karniaruthenia.miraheze.org/wiki/Libertia – Artigo sobre o Ducado de Libertia. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://karniaruthenia.miraheze.org/wiki/Ruthenia – Artigo sobre o Reino de Rutênia. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://karniaruthenia.miraheze.org/wiki/2016_Micronational_Summit,_S%C3%A3o_Paulo – Artigo sobre o I encontro micronacional. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://karniaruthenia.miraheze.org/wiki/2018_Micronational_Summit,_S%C3%A3o_Paulo – Artigo sobre o II encontro micronacional. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://escorvaniagov.wixsite.com/escorvania/encontros-da-escorvania – Site sobre os encontros escorvaneses. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
- https://www.facebook.com/reuniao/ – Página do Sacro Império de Reunião no facebook. Acessado em 12 de outubro de 2019.
Text in English, donated to the collection of the Imperial and Royal Academy of Geographical and Social Studies.His Imperial and Royal Majesty, the Emperor-King of Karnia-Ruthenia.
The term “micronationalism” emerged in the mid-1990s and it is widely accepted that the author of the term, Robert Ben Madison, created it by literally meaning “small nations”, to refer to the phenomenon of the emergence of small entities organized as unrecognized nation-states, although the expression also included entities created in the 19th century. The counterpart of this expression is “macronation”, which refers to consecrated nations, especially those that are part of the United Nations and that are not confused with microstates, which are internationally recognized States but are small in geographic extension.
Micronations, in summary, are entities that aim, on a varying scale, to replace, appear, mock or coexist with recognized and independent States under the terms of international law. In common, micronational projects can establish the aforementioned organization in the form of a Nation-State, but express territorial complaints, they can develop symbols and account citizens, and the latter aspect naturally varies in terms of acquisition and socio-political experience within the micronational project.
A common criterion for distinguishing micronations from imaginary countries, tribes, clans and other entities is the search for recognition of their sovereignty. It turns out that this definition is, par excellence, very shallow. Now, if a micronation seeks to be a means of artistic activism, for example, the political bias of “independence” is more an artistic act than an act based in international law. If a micronational project envisions satire, but is organized as a Nation-State and detains it in the basic terms of the Montevideo Convention, would it then be able to be recognized?
The Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States in 1933 was an attempt to establish objective criteria for integrating a State into the international community in the best form of international law, although it is not unanimous even though it corresponds to the majority understanding on the subject, even if through customary law, and not by virtue of the convention per se. With regard to micronations, some do claim to be in harmony with the most basic criteria established by the Convention, while the overwhelming majority ignore its requirements.
Over the years, micronational projects have gained a wider range of denominations, in an attempt to classify the wide variety of micronations that have emerged. Some of these new denominations with more common use were cybernations, model country or model nation, new country project, online nation or, to a lesser extent, pseudonations, counternation or ephemeral states. Micropatriology, which is the study of micronational activity, has been seeking since the beginning to classify projects that arise, by analyzing their characteristics and countless criteria have been established and replaced and challenged, which leads to great confusion in understanding micronational activity and, not infrequently, conflict between micronationalists of varied strands.
This text aims to analyze several criteria of micronational practices, their characteristics and demonstrate how broad the expression micronationalism can be.
Micronationalism: a brief history and its evolution
The 17th century saw the rise of the concept expressed by the Treaty of Osnabrück and Münster, known as the Westphalian Peace, which marked the principle of the modern system observed by international law and enshrined as one of the most impressive moments in diplomatic practice of all time, although its interpretation is sometimes challenged.
It was only in the following century that the first entities that can be classified as micronations appeared. Most of these so-called micronational ventures that emerged in the 18th and 19th century were eccentric or ambitious financial ventures with varying success. In this scope, the case of the Kingdom of Sarawak, founded in 1841 and which survived until 1946, emerged as a “parallel state”, becoming effectively sovereign, then a British protectorate and finally integrating Malaysia, a status that remains today. This specific case is what started the tradition of believing that micronational projects, to be so, need to envision independence and recognition.
Contemporary examples of the Kingdom of Sarawak were the disastrous establishments of the Kingdom of Araucania and Patagonia (1860-1862), violently rebuked by the governments of Chile and Argentina but with suitors to the throne until the present day and the Kingdom of Sedang (1888-1890) , whose confused and turbulent history against Vietnam, France and England ended with the death of its founder. From the same period, the Kingdom of Redonda survives to the present; formally a dependency in Antigua and Barbuda, founded in 1865, was unsuccessful in declaring itself independent, but managed to maintain itself as a literary foundation with its own monarchy and aristocracy – and four pretenders to the throne.
Despite these stories of absolute failure or moderate success, there is still a milestone in the definition of micronation, established, to some extent, by Lundy, a British island whose owner in the early 20th century issued his own coins and postage stamps, although they have never declared themselves independent from the United Kingdom despite being commonly mentioned as having been governed as a fiefdom. This example became the precursor to the so-called “territorial micronations” or “derivatists”.
Apart from the adventures of the 19th century, it was in the second half of the 20th century that there was the so-called “micronational renaissance”, with countless territorial micronations being founded and laying the foundation for projects that would come in the future, especially those that would arise in English-speaking countries. The most famous example, the great exponent of the micronations founded in this period, is the Principality of Sealand, founded in 1967. The period also observed numerous projects that aspired or carried out the construction of artificial islands. Of these, two were successful in construction, but with their micronational projects attacked and dismantled: the Republic of Rose Island, founded in 1968 and destroyed by the Italian Navy and the Republic of Minerva, founded in 1972 and annexed by Tonga.
In the 1980s, Japan experienced its own micronational phenomenon, with countless villages declaring themselves independent as a way to draw attention to their culture and dialects, having held several micronational meetings and a healthy and profitable tourist industry that brought the urban public to the countryside. The movement cooled with the economic crisis of 1991, when many of the villages that were part of the micronational movement forced to merge with larger cities, dissolving the micronational entities.
Currently, unlike micronational pioneers, with their militarized activities or based on commercial practice, micronationalism has become almost a hobby practiced by young people almost entirely on Internet, in numerous communities with some developments outside the virtual sector. The internet has provided the micronational movement with an unprecedented character of professionalism and visibility, giving rise to hundreds of projects since the early 1990s, but also fragmenting the micronational movement into different types of practices, since, as a social movement, micronationalism is as subject to change as any other social practice. If in the past micronations could snatch hundreds of defenders and citizens with considerable distance between them, now it is absolutely common to find the “one-man nations” or, in a less flattering expression, “Egostan”; projects created purely for their leader’s vanity. Micronational practice is global and plural, but it is especially popular in English-speaking countries.
Of these micronations that benefited from online presence, the Kingdom of Talossa, founded in 1979, but present on the Internet since 1995, and the Royal Republic of Ladonia, which exists as a physical and virtual territory, founded in 1996, stand out.
Classifying micronational projects
With the popularization of the theme, it is natural that micropatriology would also advance. Arousing interest not only in the media, but also in academy, micronations became not only a social phenomenon to be observed, but also to be studied, with a considerable number of academic articles and literary publications dedicated to the subject. One of the focus of study of micropatriologists is the qualification of a micronation; that is, what type of project is that micronation and whether, due to its characteristics, it can be considered as such.
Briefly introducing the subject, let us start with concepts related to the macro-national or, as noted, the “axis of reality”; that is, institutions subject to international law that are widely recognized with sovereign relations to a greater or lesser extent.
“Supranational entities” comprise a set of micronations, which by virtue of a treaty, assume ordinary governmental or administrative functions, and are also maintained by a collective of macronations, having the European Union as the best exponent and example.
In turn, “macronations”, as mentioned above, are sovereign entities in their own territory and have no dependency relationship with other macronations and, by definition, correspond to the principles of the Montevideo Convention and are part of the United Nations; at the very least, with recognition from the international community, such as Spain or Portugal, for example.
“Recognized microstates” are states that have their sovereignty recognized by the international community, but due to their size, they may have a dependency relationship with other macronations, such as Andorra or Nauru. The unrecognized variation of a microstate would be the de facto possession and exercise of sovereignty over a territory without the recognition of macronations.
That said, we entered the classification of micronational projects. Most of the micropatriological literature states that micronations can be categorized by the patterns of “socio-political-economic simulation”, “historical simulation”, “personal entertainment and self-aggrandizement exercises”, “fantasy, fiction or artistic expression”,“ way of promoting the agenda”,“for means of fraud”, “historical anomalies and aspiring States”, “exercise of historical revisionism” and “projects of new countries”.
The micronations of socio-political-economic simulation tend to present themselves in a serious way, with the involvement of mature participants and normally involved in sophisticated and structured activities to emulate operations of a macronation. Under this widely accepted definition, the Freetown Christiania, a micronation or, according to the Danish government, an autonomous community founded in 1971 and the Holy Empire of Reunion, a Brazilian micronation founded in 1997, fit in this definition. They are still differentiated by one being called derivatist and the later, as simulationist; this variation will be dealt with later.
Historical simulations in the form of a micronational project, along the same lines as socio-political-economic simulations, tend to appear serious and professional, but their focus is to emulate past institutions and situations and cultures, usually Greco-Roman or medieval. The highlight of this category is in charge of Nova Roma, founded in 1998 and today, moving away from its micronational bias and being, since 2016, an educational and religious non-profit organization.
By the hundreds, there are micronations devoted to entertainment and self-gratification, which make up most of the micronational projects in force today. This category has different characteristics, mixing characteristics of those mentioned above, however, they are normally limited to exclusively online activity and last a few weeks or months, although it is a category with very notable exceptions that confirm the rule. The most notable exceptions are the Aerican Empire, founded in 1987 under a Pythonesque project and the Republic of Molossia, founded in 1999 and already a mandatory point of interest for tourists in Nevada, United States of America.
The exercises of fantasy, fiction or artistic expression that use micronational practice are deliberately created to express an artistic, fanciful vision and constitute per se works of art, largely ignoring the political aspects that can be verified in micronational projects from other sources. Examples of this category are the Royal Republic of Ladonia, whose territory is a peninsular strip of Sweden where they were created by Lars Vilks in 1996 and the Principality of Lorenzburg, also a Swedish micronation that promotes “paramitocracy”, that is, a micronation that with the help of the municipality of Karlstad, promotes tourism and collective narrative.
In the same way as art can use micronational practice for its promotion, it is common for groups that defend a cause at one time or another to be interested and to organize themselves in a similar way. Micronations created to defend or promote a specific agenda are usually associated with progressive and reformist agendas and aim at media attention to the issue to be defended. The Conch Republic, founded in 1982, was motivated by a blockade and checkpoint of the United States Border Patrol that disturbed residents and tourists and the Gay and Lesbian Kingdom of the Coral Sea Islands, created in 2004 in the face of the refusal of the Australian government in recognizing same-sex unions, but dissolved with the change in legislation in 2017.
If, on the one hand, micronational practice is recognized for attracting adventurous artists and activists in the best use of expression, there are also those who dare to use micronational practice for ominous purposes. The example of the Melchizedek Domain, which was founded in 1990 and which allegedly claimed sovereignty over several small islands in the Pacific Ocean in order to become a tax haven, is famous, and whose creators were prosecuted for the practice of various crimes. Another micronation that normally undergoes legal interventions is the Free Republic of Liberland, founded in 2015 and accused of selling citizenship to Syrian refugees in exchange for asylum, which it naturally cannot offer.
Interesting category is made up of aspiring states and historical anomalies. Unlike the others, these micronations are founded with genuine aspirations to become sovereign states and arise from historical anomalies or eccentric interpretations of the law, which make them susceptible to being confused with macronations. Usually, they are located in small and disputed territorial enclaves and with economic activity based on tourism, philately and numismatics. At best, they are tolerated by the macronations that surround them and, at worst, ignored. Examples of this category are the Principality of Seborga, whose foundation dates back to 1963 based on the absence of the region in the Act of Unification of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861 and, therefore, apart from the unification the neighboring macronation and the famous and mediatic Principality of Sealand, founded in 1967 on a British anti-aircraft battery platform from the Second World War period and basing its legitimacy on an interpretation of a British court ruling in 1968, which highlighted that the Roughs Tower, where the micronation was located, was outside the jurisdiction of domestic courts.
Still in relation to historical events, there are projects related to historical revisionism. It is a category with few exemplars and, when they appear, they tend to present themselves as a “government-in-exile”, even though they do not have the support of any political group and their relevance is small, at best. The consecrated and always used example for this category of micronational activity is the Imperial Provisional Government, founded in 1985 and which self-proclaims to represent the government of the German Empire in its pre-1914 borders.
Finally, there are projects from new countries. They usually involve the idea of buying or building an artificial island and founding a nation under the auspices of libertarian or liberal and democratic ideology. Striking examples are the Republic of Minerva, founded in 1971 on an artificial island and invaded and annexed by Tonga the following year and the Principality of Freedonia, officially founded in 1997, tried to obtain land between 2000 and 2001 and clashes over territorial acquisition resulted in death and the dissolution of the project.
Still on the level of the micronational “axis of reality”, there are some other interesting definitions that deserve our attention. The “protonations”, which are micronations located in the physical territory that they claim, but do not actively seek to assert their sovereignty against a micronation, which is the case declared by the Kingdom of Talossa. Micronations are defined as “metanations” that define having a “spiritual homeland”, whereas they have an active government structure, not necessarily located in that territory and the Holy Empire of Reunion is an example always cited for this case. “Pseudonations” are those created to be simply fantasy or for the role-playing game, whereas “ego-nations” are those that consist of few citizens and whose objective is to attribute pomp and circumstance to their supporters.
After the analysis of the “axis of reality”, that is, of the study of the concept of macronations and micronations, from the points of convergence to those of divergence between the concepts, it is necessary to analyze, then, the “axis of derivatism”, which applies only to micronations, and it is an analysis of similarities between micronational entities, in reference to macronational parallels, being able to accumulate the definitions of this axis with that of the reality axis. In simplified terms, it deals with “more realistic” to “less realistic” micronation.
A so-called “derivatist” micronation is committed to establishing institutions that look and act like micronational institutions, such as currency, defense forces, news, parliament and the like, such as the Principality of Aigues-Mortes. The project that fits the definition of “semi-derivative” is the micronation that, influenced by realism, mixes this commitment with derivatism with institutions more focused on the micronational scope, as is the case of the Republic of West Who.
In the sequence, we can observe the “semi-peculiarist” micronations, which have derivative elements in the sense of appearing professionalism and seriousness and “peculiarism”, which in turn is the micronational project that mirrors the appearance of macro-national institutions, but visualizes them as basis of their cultural expression as micronations. An example of semi-peculiar micronation is the Holy Empire of Reunion, while an example of peculiar micronation could apply to the also Portuguese-speaking micronation of the United Provinces of Mauritia or to the very traditional Republic of Porto Claro. Finally, the “fantastic” or “fantastic” micronations, as suggested, make no effort to emulate macronational institutions, thus constituting pure fantasy.
For purposes of analysis, and still being able to accumulate with the definitions already presented, there is the so-called “thematic micronationalism”. Thematic micronationalism is the concept that micronations base one or more aspects of their project on a particular theme, especially a cultural theme, but can also be applied to economic, political or religious aspects.
This variant of micronationalism is subdivided between the “historical” theme, where the projects use a particular historical era as a theme or, in some cases, with “futuristic” elements and because of this “re-reading” bias, they are usually – and in a way mistaken – confused with historical simulations; the “geographical” variant has its theme around a particular nation or place, while the “religious” variant has its great inspiration in elements of one or more religions, existing or created for micronational purposes. Those of the “political” type have their greatest inspiration on a specific political basis, usually socialist-communist, but with national-socialist examples having also been verified.
To exemplify the above, we cite the Empire of Austenasia and the Kingdom of Imvrassia as micronations of historical theme, replicating Roman-Byzantine and Roman-Greek culture, respectively; the extinct Empire of Pavlov and the Community of Zealand represent the “geographical” modality, whose inspiration was found in Russia and Scandinavia, respectively. In the religious modality, the State of Sandus and its Buddhist inspiration and the Templar Kingdom, which calls itself the “Protestant Vatican”, stand out as major examples. In the political variant, we can use two examples in opposite spectra: the Federal Community of Sirocco, an anti-communist project with elements from the 1950s in its structure (and therefore also historical), and the Brazilian micronation and now extinct Union of Popular Socialist Republics, which aimed to bring together all the Marxist currents in the same micronation.
The parallel plane theory: a new approach
The parallel plan theory emerged in 2017, when the Congress of Colo took place, an intermicronational event that aimed to create standardized procedures for diplomacy, economics, micronational sovereignty and other elements of the State. The largest micronational projects identified as derivatives on the American continent participated in this event, namely: the Great Republic of Delvera, the North American Confederation and the Karno-Ruthenian Empire.
Named as “Resolution on Micronational Sovereignty”, it was written by the participants of the congress, considering that there are micronations and macronations with their established duties and responsibilities, but that do not overlap, and that since micronations would have power to be exercised over the social, cultural and economic spheres, the micronational authority would be based entirely on the consent of the governed and not through the “use of force”, a typical characteristic of the coercive power of the “classic” State.
Also, verifying that micronational laws are applied through sanctions agreed via consensus ad idem and according to macronational restrictions on violence (since, as previously stated, micronations have no coercive power), micronations do not ignore that their citizens micronationals also have macronational citizenship and, therefore, considering that macronations do not tolerate challenges to their authority in the form of secessionist or separatist movements (and that this does not necessarily need to be the goal of a respectable micronational project), micronational governments that effectively stand as “servants” of the citizens who made themselves available by manifest of will and conscience, they must protect their citizens from unnecessary difficulties and persecutions at the hands of macronations in relation to irresponsible micronationalist movements, with remarkable observation to the so-called “secessionists” projects instead of “derivatives”.
By this logic, so-called micronational sovereignty and macronational sovereignty would not mutually exclude each other, but would coexist and apply where it is possible and, in cases where micronations sought the status of Macronational State, there would be a change in their authority base and, therefore, of its national character.
That said, it would be impossible not to recognize that micronational governments do not maintain the monopoly on the use of force exerted by macronations and that they would be under the jurisdiction of the affected macronation laws and would bear the perhaps mistaken identification as being a movement that sought to usurp the monopoly of macronational force, which would naturally extrapolate the micronational bias of any project. Naturally, the resolution would not apply to the right of self-determination of any person or people, or of their representative government.
The theory reverberated in some micronations. In addition to the micronations that subscribe the resolution, the Community of Deseret, the Republic of West Who, the Empire of Adammia and the Principality of Ermenstein adopted the theory as part of their philosophy and micropatriological awareness.
As expected, there were also criticisms of the new theory, although incipient. The teen micronationalists Tom McMillan and Will Campbell tried to develop the theory between the end of 2017 and the beginning of 2018 to support the movement that they themselves sought to stimulate, called in a very short article as “New Secessionism”. It turns out that for his great ambitions, the theory did not fit in because it seemed “simulationist in nature”, ignoring the most basic precepts of the theory: micronations cannot coerce citizens and cannot compete with macronations for the use of force.
For these critics, the resolution directly confronted the idea that micronations should become independent. Despite this argument, it is interesting to note that the micronational project led by these critics had mythological elements and emulated the economy of the United Kingdom of Great Britain, which would bring it the classic classification of semi-peculiar micronation. Despite the irony brought by the facts, the project collapsed, allegedly existing from 2014 to mid-2019.
Another aspect raised by these critics to “improve” the theory or “make it applicable” was the comparison with the principle of tribal sovereignty in the United States. A mistake, of course: although the government treats some indigenous tribes as “domestic dependent nations”, this concept creates authority inherent in the tribes to self-regulate tribal matters only, which can be seen, at best, as limited autonomy.
The parallel plane theory, like all theories, is not an absolute reproduction of the truth and tends to be developed, improved or adapted, but it is undeniable that it corresponds to practice: micronations arise and their governments develop capacity as citizens join the project and they offer government officials the privilege of governing them, which, yes, means delegating power and authority to them, insofar as they accept that power and authority. Otherwise, whether due to an absolute inability to enforce authority or a complete absence of citizens, under these circumstances it no longer relies on its state form, since a basic element to be classified in this way is to have a physical population and control over the region that complains. Without a control force and without a population that accepts this force, there is neither micronation nor macronation.
Common to all areas of human expertise, the understanding of micronational activity is altered by time, space and the perception of how this type of activity influences the two mentioned elements and everything that is verified, with special emphasis on man: changeable by nature, adaptable by situation and non-conformed by instinct.
Micronationalism is, to a certain extent, a living manifestation of the “ideal State” that we would like to insert ourselves, a fact confirmed by the numerous requests for citizenship that micronations receive daily from “nonconformists”. Not that they really think about moving to a micronation, but this acquired citizenship becomes a piece of resistance, a manifestation of principles. And micronationalism is just that.
Despite the fact that there are dozens of possible nomenclatures, the ones mentioned here being potentially predecessors of many others yet to come, the micronational movement can be synthesized as a more or less serious simulation of a State, even though it evokes the goal of constituting a Nation, with greater or lesser success. The way this happens, as well as the differences between peoples, is so particular that it does not seem coherent to call projects with this ethos as “micronational” or “non-micronational”.
Every project can, and to some extent must be classified, but it is undeniable that every system tends to be renewed and adapted through new realities that arise and micronationalism does not escape this rule.
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